Read the sheet: The impact of the October Manifesto (up to 'Limitations to the constitution'). Using that sheet, and prior knowledge, answer the question: 'What factors suggest that the Tsarist regime was weaker at the end of 1905 than the beginning?'
Read the sheet: The impact of the October Manifesto (up to 'Limitations to the constitution'). Using that sheet, and prior knowledge, answer the question: 'What factors suggest that the Tsarist regime was weaker at the end of 1905 than the beginning?'
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Read the sheet: The impact of the October Manifesto (up to 'Limitations to the constitution'). Using that sheet, and prior knowledge, answer the question:
'What factors suggest that the Tsarist regime was weaker at the end of 1905 than the beginning?'
Transcribed Image Text:The impact of the October Manifesto
How was the October Manifesto received?
The day after the October Manifesto was announced, Witte was named as Chairman of the Council of
Ministers. It was due to his prompting that the Tsar had made these concessions and it was now up to him to
make sure that they worked. The role of Witte, together with more reactionary ministers like Durnovo (Minister
of the Interior) and Trepov (military governor of St. Petersburg), would be key in helping Nicholas to establish
control. The first signs were promising. The representatives of some of the liberal groups welcomed the
Manifesto as a solution to Russia's political difficulties. The general strike quickly came to an end, despite the
promptings of Lenin and of others to continue the struggle. In November the government announced and end to
redemption dues, hoping to win back the peasants' fundamental loyalty to the Tsar.
However, some rejected the October Manifesto as simply empty words. They no longer had any confidence in
the regime. Trotsky, as head of the St. Petersburg Soviet, called for a new strike and for everyone to withdraw
their money in gold from the banks to bring the government to its knees. It was poorly supported - and Witte
felt strong enough to arrest the entire Soviet and throw them in prison. Trotsky was soon to be put on trial and
face execution. This was just one example of Nicholas using repression and/or violence as a means of re-
establishing authority during 1905.
In Moscow things were different. The workers here did carry out an effective general strike, backed by some of
the revolutionary groups, including Lenin's. There was general fighting with barricades thrown across the city
streets. Loyal troops crushed the rising artillery. By a combination of firmness and an apparent willingness to
introduce fundamental reform, perhaps the regime could build a new stability.
Witte had hoped that he would be able to put together a government which would incorporate some of the
government's critics and therefore reduce the force of the opposition. However, when talks began, the price the
liberals demanded included a constituent assembly with powers to rewrite the constitution. This was
unacceptable to both Witte and the Tsar. The new Cabinet consisted, therefore, largely consisted of traditionally
minded bureaucrats. The Union of Liberation was split for ever by these developments. Some liberals supported
the Manifesto changes, ad set up a political party, the Union of October 17th, known from there-on as the
Octobrists. The majority, however, wanted to press on with the full programme of the Union of Liberation.
They now set up the Constitutional Democratic Party (Kadets) and continued to campaign against the
government. Despite being split therefore, it was clear that this new National Assembly would, at least in part,
limit and challenge the Tsar's powers.
Limitations to the new constitution - The Fundamental Laws (23rd April, 1906)
Five days before the Duma could meet for its first session, Nicholas II published the Fundamental Laws, which
made quite clear to everyone that his own views of the changes had been made. The main points were:In Article
4 it set out that: 'It is ordained by God himself that the Tsar's authority should be submitted to, not only out of
fear but out of a general sense of duty'. Other main points included:
The Tsar claimed the right to veto legislation.
To rule by decree in an emergency or when the Duma was not in session
To appoint and dismiss government ministers
To dissolve the Duma as he wished
There were two Lower Chambers in the Duma. The voting system for the Lower Chamber was deliberately
complex. Its main function was to minimize the number of representatives from the discontented classes
and prevent any direct links between the voters and those elected. Each voter elected representatives, and
these then elected others to the electoral colleges. This system gave proportionately more influence to
landed gentry and propertied townspeople than to peasants, and even less to industrial workers.
In the new system of government there was a State Council, which was to act as an upper chamber. Half of
its members were appointed by the Tsar, the other half were elected by the zemstvo, academic institutions,
gentry assemblies, the clergy and other groups. These chambers, together with the Government (Council of
Ministers under the Prime Minister - directly elected by the Tsar and responsible to the Tsar over the
Duma) were all set out in the new constitution. Crucially, any of the three bodies could veto legislation.
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