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New North Star , 2022; vol. 4:83–88 Reconstructions: Frederick Douglass, Albion Tourgée, and Plessy v. Ferguson Robert S. Levine University of Maryland This essay explores the sometimes similar and sometimes different (though generally complementary) views on Reconstruction of Douglass and Tourgée, moving to their key point of divergence: the Plessy v. Ferguson case. The Douglass-Tourgée relationship was more significant than Douglass biographers have recognized. Douglass appears in Tourgée scholarship; Tourgée has virtually no place in Douglass scholarship. That’s a surprising asymmetry because Tourgée, at the request of African American leaders in Boston, delivered the eulogy for Douglass at the celebrated Faneuil Hall memorial the year of his death. It is worth noting as well that in 1906, a year after Tourgée’s death, thousands of participants in W. E. B. Du Bois’s Niagara Movement held a memorial service for what were termed the three “friends of freedom”: William Lloyd Garrison, Douglass, and Tourgée. 1 Readers of The New North Star know a good deal about Garrison; Tourgée is probably more obscure. For that reason, it would be useful to begin with a few words on this fascinating figure. Tourgée’s dates are 1838–1905, so he is twenty years younger than Douglass. Born in Ohio, Tourgée briefly attended the University of Rochester, withdrew to serve in the Union Army, and was twice badly wounded in Civil War battles. While recuperating, he read the law, served an apprenticeship as a clerk at an Ohio law firm, and gained acceptance to the Ohio bar by war’s end. During the years 1865–1879 he worked for Reconstruction in North Carolina as a member of the state constitutional convention and as a judge, speaking out against the Ku Klux Klan and other White supremacist terrorist organizations. He also began writing novels about Reconstruction. The year he moved from North Carolina to New York he published his most popular novel, A Fool’s Errand: By One of the Fools (1879), which sold over 300,000 copies. He published a total of twelve novels, most of which link the failure of Reconstruction to what he repeatedly termed the problem of racial caste. In 1891 he founded the National Citizens’ Rights Association, and a year later he became the lead counsel representing Homer Plessy’s and other African Americans’ efforts to end racial segregation in Louisiana. In 1896 he presented legal arguments before the United States Supreme Court in the Plessy v. Ferguson case; the Court ruled against Plessy (and Tourgée), establishing the “Separate but Equal” principle that held up until the Supreme Court’s Brown v. Board of Education ruling of 1954. 2 To turn now to Douglass and Tourgée: With respect to “Reconstruction s ,” we can say that in the early years of Reconstruction, Douglass attempted to influence federal policy while Tourgée, who was always interested in policy, saw the need for on-the-ground work in the South. Douglass focused his efforts on gaining the vote and citizenship for African Americans. In a number of speeches delivered at the outset of the Civil War, in his famous speech “The Mission of the War” (1863), in his statements at a Black convention in Syracuse in 1864, and then in remarks he made 1 See Otto H. Olsen, Carpetbagger’s Crusade: The Life of Albion Winegar Tourgée (Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1965), 19–20. 2 For excellent biographical studies of Tourgée, see Mark Elliott, Color-Blind Justice: Albion Tourgée and the Quest for Racial Equality, From the Civil War to Plessy V. Ferguson (New York: Oxford University Press, 2006); and Carolyn L. Karcher, A Refuge from His Race: Albion W. Tourgée and His Fight against White Supremacy (Chapel Hill, N.C: University of North Carolina Press, 2016). On Tourgée and Plessy v. Ferguson , see Steve Luxenberg, Separate: The Story of Plessy V. Ferguson, and America’s Journey from Slavery to Segregation (New York: W. W. Norton, 2019).
Robert S. Levine 84 virtually every day of the Andrew Johnson administration, Douglass again and again said something to this effect: “Slavery is not abolished until the black man has the ballot.” (Douglass offered these precise words at the May 1865 meeting of the American Anti-Slavery Society. 3 ) Douglass celebrated the adoption of the Fifteenth Amendment in 1870 as the fulfillment of one of the main goals of his Reconstruction efforts, and he would continue to fight for Black civil rights when he saw those rights threatened by reactionary racists in the South and North and by legal developments such as the Supreme Court’s 1883 ruling that the Civil Rights Act of 1875 was unconstitutional, a decision foreshadowing Plessy. Tourgée shared Douglass’s desire for Black enfranchisement, which he sought to bring about in North Carolina even before the adoption of the Fifteenth Amendment. He helped to write a progressive North Carolina constitution, which did not last all that long, and he presided over numerous court cases involving the freedpeople as they attempted to establish themselves as a truly freed people. He mediated employment and other disputes, often working in tandem with the Freedmen’s Bureau. But because he was based in North Carolina, he also experienced firsthand the resistance to Reconstruction among the state’s White people. He saw racism everywhere, and he also saw Whites’ commitment to racial caste: the belief that Blacks should stay in their place at the bottom of the social hierarchy. He abhorred that point of view, but he became increasingly angry at the Radical Republicans for believing they could quickly and easily establish Blacks’ full rights as citizens in North Carolina and elsewhere. Tourgée gave novelistic life to his thinking about racial caste in his bestselling novel, A Fool’s Errand . The fool is a character named Comfort Servosse, a man who, like Tourgée, is a northerner who journeys to North Carolina to promote social change via legislation and the judicial system. By the end of the novel, Servosse/Tourgée comes to see, in the increasingly violent reactions of the White North Carolinians, that he had been naïve—or, in the terms of the novel, a Fool—for believing that Southern Whites were prepared to accept in relatively short order a radically reconstructed South. Servosse remarks, for example, that Radical Republican leaders failed to realize that “the idea of generations do not perish in an hour,” and that in terms of caste, Southern Whites’ racist beliefs ran “as deep and fervent as the exclusiveness of Hindoo caste.” As Servosse writes to Radical Republicans leaders near the end of the novel: “You do not seem to appreciate the fact, which all history teaches, that there is no feeling in the human breast so intense and ineradicable in its nature, as the bitter scorn of a long dominant race for one they have held in bondage. This embraces no element of individual or personal dislike, but is simply utter and thorough disgust and scorn for the race,—except in what they consider its proper place.” 4 All this said, Tourgée remained committed to helping southern Blacks obtain their full rights as citizens, and to that end he decided in the early 1890s to represent Homer Plessy in his challenge to racial segregation in Louisiana’s railway cars. 3 Frederick Douglass, “In What New Skin Will the Old Snake Come Forth? An Address Delivered in New York, New York, on 10 May 1865,” in John Blassingame et al., The Frederick Douglass Papers , Series 1: Speeches, Debates, and Interviews , 5 vols. (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1979–1991), 4:83. 4 Albion W. Tourgée, A Fool’s Errand , ed. George M Fredrickson (1879; New York, N.Y.: Harper Torchbooks, 1966), 140, 137, 167. For a provocative discussion of caste in U.S. history, see Isabel Wilkerson, Caste: The Origins of Our Discontents (New York, N.Y.: Random House, 2021); and on caste in Tourgée’s writings, see Robert S. Levine, “Isabel Wilkerson, Albion Tourgée, and the Problem of Caste in the United States,” Literary Imagination 23, no. 2 (2021), 151–60. On the literary Tourgée, see Sandra M. Gustafson and Robert S. Levine, eds., Reimagining the Republic: Race, Citizenship, and Nation in the Literary Work of Albion W. Tourgée (New York, N.Y.: Fordham University Press, forthcoming 2023).
Douglass, Tourgée, and Plessy v. Ferguson 85 Before turning to Plessy v. Ferguson , it is worth noting that Douglass shared some of Tourgée’s views on the long history of racial caste in the United States. Douglass wanted radical change, but he was aware that change would require a struggle and might not be permanent. Even as Douglass in the years immediately after the Civil War fought for the full rights of citizenship for African Americans, he declared in 1868: “There is no such thing as instantaneous emancipation. The links of the chain can be broken in an instant, but it will take not less than a century to obliterate all traces of the institution.” In 1870 he said that the passage of the Fifteenth Amendment was not a miracle; the true miracle would be to “obliterate all traces of 250 years of slavery.” In 1877, the year that some regard as a marker of the end of Reconstruction, Douglass referred to the “footprints” of slavery, which he maintained could be seen “in the general exercise of force and cruelty” against Black people. 5 Unlike Tourgée, Douglass, despite these insights, thought it best to put Reconstruction measures in place forcefully and promptly. We can now jump forward to 1895, the year of Douglass’s death. Douglass died in February, and the memorial service was held at Boston’s Faneuil Hall in December with Tourgée as the main eulogist. The memorial proceedings appeared a few months later in 1896. As would be expected, much of what Tourgee had to say about Douglass in his two-hour speech was adulatory. He stated, for example, that “FREDERICK DOUGLASS must be ranked among the great men of a great day; if by obstacles to be overcome, he must be accounted the greatest of any time.” Tourgee also shared an anecdote about how he had met Douglass in the mid-1850s at an abolitionist rally in Ohio. Someone standing near the teen-aged Tourgée hit Douglass with a tossed egg, and Tourgée couldn’t resist laughing. The next day he requested a meeting with Douglass in order to apologize for his rudeness. Douglass told him about his regular encounters with violent behavior and insults; Tourgée in the eulogy refers to this meeting as a “rough beginning” to their relationship. 6 Tourgée’s eulogy also comments on his own interest in racial caste, stating, for example, that “the destruction of slavery had only unmasked the other and more difficult problem of Caste.” 7 Whites in the South, as he learned from his fourteen years in North Carolina, had difficulties viewing Black people as anything other than an inferior class of subordinates. In the closing section of the eulogy, Tourgée takes a surprising turn, raising questions about whether the great man in his final years at his Cedar Hill mansion still cared about the cause of Black rights. This was a strange charge, given that we know Douglass continued to be politically active and lecturing regularly against the scourge of lynching. But consider what Tourgée has to say in his eulogy. After praising Douglass, Tourgée charged that the renowned Black leader in the years after the Civil War “found himself, in sentiment and feeling, much nearer to the most refined white society of the North than to the ‘freedmen’ of the South.” I suspect that Tourgée, who interacted with the freedpeople during his time in North Carolina, wondered about Douglass’s commitment to ordinary Black people, especially as Douglass became increasingly rich and famous. Near the end of the eulogy, Tourgée remarks that Douglass was taken aback by the 5 Douglass, “Addresses Delivered in New York, New York, on 14 May 1869,” Blassingame, Douglass Papers, ser. 1, 4:174; Douglass, “Seeming and Real,” New National Era , 6 October 1870, in the Life and Writings of Frederick Douglass: Volume IV: Reconstruction and After , ed. Philip S. Foner (New York, N.Y.: International House, 1955), 299; Douglass, “Our National Capital: An Address Delivered in Baltimore, Maryland, on 8 May 1877,” Blassingame, Douglass Papers , ser. 1, 4: 467, 456. This paragraph draws from my The Failed Promise: Reconstruction, Frederick Douglass, and the Impeachment of Andrew Johnson (New York: W. W. Norton, 2021), 227–28. 6 “The Eulogy of Albion W. Tourgée,” A Memorial of Frederick Douglass from the City of Boston (Boston: Printed by Order of the City Council, 1896), 27, 31. 7 “Eulogy of Albion W. Tourgée,” 61.
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